By Mark A. Stoler
In the course of international battle II the uniformed heads of the U.S. armed companies assumed a pivotal and extraordinary function within the formula of the nation's overseas rules. prepared quickly after Pearl Harbor because the Joint Chiefs of employees, those contributors have been formally in charge just for the nation's army forces. in the course of the struggle their services got here to surround a number of international coverage issues, even though, and so strong did the army voice turn into on these matters that simply the president exercised a extra decisive position of their outcome.Drawing on resources that come with the unpublished documents of the Joint Chiefs in addition to the struggle, army, and kingdom Departments, Mark Stoler analyzes the wartime upward push of army impression in U.S. international coverage. He makes a speciality of the evolution of and debates over U.S. and Allied international process. within the method, he examines army fears relating to America's significant allies--Great Britain and the Soviet Union--and how these fears affected President Franklin D. Roosevelt's rules, interservice and civil-military family members, military-academic family members, and postwar nationwide safeguard coverage in addition to wartime process.
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Extra resources for Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand Alliance, and U.S. Strategy in World War II
Germany might well attempt to establish Atlantic island or West African bases to ferry troops and aircraft to subversive elements in South America, while all three Axis powers were already attempting ‘‘economic, political and cultural penetration’’ of Latin America. S. ’’ 56 Should Japan act alone, the orange war plan would be put into effect, though the jpc emphasized, as had Embick, Richardson, and others previously, that all plans should be for a gradual advance westward and for a limited war against Tokyo.
S. interests in the Far East were ‘‘relatively inconsequential. ’’ A continued military commitment to the Philippines would be ‘‘the gravest menace to the success of that policy’’ because it would constitute the most likely source of conﬂict with Japan. 38 As deputy chief of staff and army commander between 1936 and 1939, Embick applied a similar analysis to warn against any involvement with Britain in either the growing European crisis or the Paciﬁc, and to support appeasement of the Axis powers.
40 Embick’s conclusions were by no means unique within the armed forces. Nor were they poorly received. S. strategy and policy in the Far East and Paciﬁc. These reached the jb and the White House in 1937–38. S. self-sufﬁciency. 42 Many of Embick’s colleagues similarly supported his 1939 assault on the Guam base, with Borah inserting into the Congressional Record a critique written by Major General William C. Rivers, a former inspector general of the army who was also active in Libby’s organization.
Allies and Adversaries: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Grand Alliance, and U.S. Strategy in World War II by Mark A. Stoler