Adorno’s politics: Theory and praxis in Germany’s 1960s by Fabian Freyenhagen PDF

By Fabian Freyenhagen

Theodor W. Adorno encouraged a lot of Germany’s Sixties scholar stream, yet he got here more and more into clash with this stream in regards to the useful implications of his serious idea. Others – together with his good friend and colleague Herbert Marcuse – additionally accused Adorno of a quietism that's politically objectionable and in contradiction together with his personal thought. listed here, I reconstruct, and in part protect, Adorno’s perspectives on idea and (political) praxis in Germany’s Sixties in eleven theses. His usually attacked and maligned stance through the Sixties relies on his research of those ancient situations. placed provocatively, his stance is composed within the view that individuals within the Nineteen Sixties have attempted to alter the realm, in numerous methods; the purpose – at the moment – used to be to interpret it.

This article used to be initially conceived as a part of Adorno’s sensible Philosophy and may be regarded as necessary to it.

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Their agitation took place in a favorable climate, for knowledge of Third World human-rights issues, transmitted by journalism, photos, and film, was becoming increasingly available in West Germany in the 1960s. This was true in both the mainstream and left-wing press; the leftist magazine konkret featured the face of the murdered Patrice Lumumba on its cover on the occasion of his death in 1961, and gruesome photographs of the fighting in the Congo (with an emphasis on the activity of German mercenaries) appeared in the illustrated Stern in November–December 1964 at the very moment of Tshombe’s visit to West Germany.

2 International Student Revolt.  64, May 1968. APO-Archiv. distinctions between places is simultaneously the erasure of distinctions between concerns; and encoded in the map’s depiction of “international student revolt” is the (revolutionary) notion that what matters to students in London also matters to students in Prague, that the problems (and solutions) of one place are those of the other. The concern with the Third 28 West Germany and the Global Sixties World exhibited in the Tshombe protest – as a place where questions of democracy and human rights ought to have the same valence as in the Western metropoles (and later as a place that seemed to offer theoretical solutions to the revolutionary impasse in those metropoles) – represents merely an extension of this fundamental conceit.

Their agitation took place in a favorable climate, for knowledge of Third World human-rights issues, transmitted by journalism, photos, and film, was becoming increasingly available in West Germany in the 1960s. This was true in both the mainstream and left-wing press; the leftist magazine konkret featured the face of the murdered Patrice Lumumba on its cover on the occasion of his death in 1961, and gruesome photographs of the fighting in the Congo (with an emphasis on the activity of German mercenaries) appeared in the illustrated Stern in November–December 1964 at the very moment of Tshombe’s visit to West Germany.

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Adorno’s politics: Theory and praxis in Germany’s 1960s by Fabian Freyenhagen


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